Crisis In Zimbabwe Coalition

Why ZANU PF IS AFRAID of Security Sector Reforms...

Last Updated on Tuesday, 13 March 2012 12:19 Written by Administrator Friday, 10 February 2012 16:04

“Throughout the post-independent years, cardinal principles of civil military relations have been sacrificed on the altar of political expediency in defence of ZANU PF’s hegemony”

Musavengana .T.,

(Security Sector: No transition without transformation, Open Space, OSISA 2011)

Security sector reforms have taken centre stage in debates and deliberations since the expiry of the Police Commissioner, Augustine Chihuri’s term of office on the 31^st of January 2012. In clear disregard of the Global Political Agreement (GPA), the President of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe unilaterally extended the terms of office for the service chiefs who include Chihuri despite earlier reports that ZANU PF and the two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) formations had resolved to discuss the pending appointments. The question is, why would Mugabe and ZANU PF put the life of the already feeble inclusive government in intensive care by preserving the service chiefs?

It is obvious that ZANU PF because of its waning political power has resorted to using ‘the bullet’ instead of the ballot to retain its grip on power. Between 1980 and 1989, Mugabe and the then-ZANU deployed the infamous Korean-trained 5^th Brigade to suppress ‘ZAPU-aligned civilians’ and ‘dissidents’ in Matebeleland during the Gukurahundi, killing an estimated 20 000 people in the process according to the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP). The Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition 2011 report entitled ‘The military factor in Zimbabwe’s electoral and political affairs’ argues that from the 1985 national elections where the military featured prominently in the violence against Zimbabwe African People’s Party (ZAPU) supporters, Zimbabwe’s electoral processes have been militarized and subject to interference by a military partisan towards the Zimbabwe African National Union- Patriotic Front (ZANU PF).

In response to its loss to the MDC in the 2008 harmonised elections, ZANU PF initiated a nationwide violence campaign against pro- democracy actors and MDC supporters killing more than 150 people, according to the MDC. A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum entitled ‘Torture by state agents’, pointed out that there was an absolute increase in organised violence and torture from the middle of the year 2008 as the campaign for the Presidential election gained momentum. It further noted that the increase in the number of cases of political violence resulted in the increase in the number of army officials implicated. Security sector expert Dr. Martin Rupiya noted that civil-military relations have eroded to being non-existent. This is because, instead of defending the country and protecting citizens, state security agents have been turned into perpetrators of violence with the intention of silencing any dissenting voices.

Despite provisions in the constitution of Zimbabwe and laws governing the security sector which promote professionalism and non- partisan engagement, the service chiefs have often times declared their undying support for Mugabe and threatened to reject any electoral outcome which does not declare ZANU PF or its candidates the victors.

The Head of the Zimbabwe Prison Service, Paradzai Zimondi ahead of the 2008 general elections was quoted in The Herald of 29 February 2008 as saying;

“If the opposition wins the election, I will be the first one to resign from my job and go back to defend my piece of land. I will not let it go...I am giving you an order to vote for the President (Mugabe). Do not be distracted...I will only support the leadership of President Mugabe”

In similar fashion, the Commander of the Defence Forces, General Constantine Chiwenga declared;

“...elections are coming and the army will not support or salute sell-outs and agents of the West before, during and after the presidential elections...We will not support anyone other than President Mugabe, who has sacrificed a lot for this country.”

Additionally, in 2001, Chihuri was quoted in The Daily News of 2 June 2001 as saying,

‘Many people say I am Zanu PF. Today, I would like to make it public that I support Zanu PF because it is the ruling party. If any other party comes to power, I will resign and let those who support it take over.’

Such statements by service chiefs before an election are a threat to democracy and tantamount to the staging of a coup. It is this toxic role of the security sector in the electoral environment and the administration of elections that must be addressed urgently if Zimbabwe is to create an environment conducive to holding credible, free and fair elections that are without violence or intimidation (Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition). ZANU PF has a lot at stake if the country’s security sector is reformed. A professional and non-partisan security force would render the ‘liberation’ party toothless as it banks only on instilling fear in the electorate to gain votes.

Read The Military Factor in Zimbabwe’s Political and Electoral Affairs